{"id":14523,"date":"2023-05-08T19:34:26","date_gmt":"2023-05-08T16:34:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mardutha.com\/?p=14523"},"modified":"2023-05-08T19:34:29","modified_gmt":"2023-05-08T16:34:29","slug":"geography-demographics-and-the-value-of-medieval-syriac-historical-texts-a-case-study-of-the-vita-of-rabban-joseph-busnaya-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mardutha.com\/en\/geography-demographics-and-the-value-of-medieval-syriac-historical-texts-a-case-study-of-the-vita-of-rabban-joseph-busnaya-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Geography, Demographics, and the Value of Medieval Syriac Historical Texts: A Case Study of the Vita of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Nicholas Al-Jeloo<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Geographical Area Covered by the Text<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The area covered by the Vita<\/em> of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 is quite specific. While some references are made to places further afield, most of the characters in the narrative hail from, and most of the events transpire in, the same overall region. In general, this is bounded on the west by the Kh\u0101b\u016br River (\u1e24\u0101vor\u0101<\/em> in the text),[1]<\/a> in the north by the mountains of Zawz\u0101n, to the east by the Greater Zab River (Z\u0101v\u0101<\/em> in the text), and to the south by the Tigris River and the two cities of Mosul and Balad. The later, however, seems to have been significant to the monastery, as we observe that, on two occasions, monks were specifically sent there on business.[2]<\/a> The districts more frequently mentioned in the text, therefore, are B\u0113th-N\u016bhadr\u0101, Marg\u0101, D\u0101san and Zawz\u0101n. Sometimes geographical names are just named in passing while, at others, some very interesting details are given. Marg\u0101, for instance, is only mentioned as the region of origin for certain monks, as well as the location of a mountain where a particular solitary named Rabb\u0101n Benjamin lived.[3]<\/a> On the other hand, a valley to the east of Rabb\u0101n Horm\u012bzd Monastery, leading to its vineyards, is named specifically in the text as N\u0113rw\u0101 d-Dayw\u0113<\/em> (i.e., the ravine of demons).[4]<\/a> According to Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, this name has survived among the local people of Alqosh, whereby the name has morphed into Gall\u012by\u0101 d-N\u0113(h)r\u0101 d-Ayw\u0113<\/em> (i.e., cloud river pass), which sounds similar to the original, but has a very different meaning.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u0113th-Murdn\u012b (<\/strong>\u0712\u0739\u071d\u072c\u0323 \u0721\u0718\u073c\u072a\u0715\u0722\u071d\u073c<\/strong>)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As mentioned above, the text of the Vita<\/em> largely deals with the B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 Monastery, which is located in the valley of the \u1e62apn\u0101 River, south of D\u0101san, north of B\u0113th-N\u016bhadr\u0101 and west of Marg\u0101. The nearest major village to the monastery was B\u0113th-Murdn\u012b which, at the time, was inhabited by Christian Assyrians. It is now the Kurdish Muslim village of B\u0101marn\u0113. This village is first mentioned in the Vita<\/em> of St. Za\u2018y\u0101 (309-431) as Murdn\u012b. In this particular text, the saint and his disciple visit the village soon after the year 400 and find it to be the residence of Bishop M\u0101r Shaml\u012b who had been his teacher back in Palestine.[6]<\/a> If such an account is to be believed, then B\u0113th-Murdn\u012b would have been a Christian village for at least five centuries prior to Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101\u2019s arrival at B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 and, as mentioned above, at least two of the monks there during that time were Murdn\u0101y\u0113<\/em>. In the text of the latter\u2019s Vita<\/em>, therefore, we find that the faithful of B\u0113th-Murdn\u012b would bring their sick to him to be cured, including a local master-builder named Glol\u0101<\/em> (\u0713\u0720\u0718\u073f\u0720\u0735\u0710, i.e., \u201cround\u201d), who had become paralysed.[7]<\/a> This episode is followed by that of a \u201cfamous and great man\u201d in B\u0113th-Murdn\u012b named Abbulq\u0101 (or Ab\u016b Laq\u0101?) who was from the Harzd\u0101y\u0113<\/em>, and whose wife brought their fever stricken son to the saint to be healed.[8]<\/a> According to Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, the Harzd\u0101y\u0113<\/em> were Kurds from the nearby village of \u0100riz (or H\u0101riz). If this is correct, then this would imply that Kurds had already moved to B\u0101marn\u0113 and were living with the local Christian Assyrians as early as the mid-tenth century. Moreover, if Abbulq\u0101 was Kurdish and a Muslim, then the fact that his wife brought their son to the monastery to be healed can imply one of two things; either she was originally a Christian Assyrian herself, or she practised a form of religious syncretism, whereby Muslims would bring their sick to be healed by Christian holy men, indicating a high degree of co-existence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mosul and its Christians<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The way in which the city of Mosul and its inhabitants are portrayed in Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101\u2019s Vita<\/em> is quite interesting. In at least three instances in the text, we find people from Mosul travelling about 85 km north to B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 Monastery to be cured of their various illnesses by the saintly Rabb\u0101n Joseph. In all of these cases, the sick person is a Christian adhering to the Church of the East. In order, their names are the priest Marqos of St. Pithyon church on the Tigris, the deacon \u2018\u012as\u0101 who served the sons of Elijah (probably meaning the monks of St. Elijah of \u1e24\u012brth\u0101 Monastery), and two famous scribes named Ab\u016b Zakr\u012b and \u2018Abd al-Mas\u012b\u1e25, the sons of Ka\u2018b.[9]<\/a> What is striking here is the amount of Arabic personal names, in fact four out of five people, indicating that the Christian population of Mosul had already been highly Arabised, either because of direct rule in a confined urban space by a powerful Arab majority, or through admixture with Arab Christians who had immigrated to the city after it was founded in 641. Additionally, we learn that Rabb\u0101n John Bar-Khald\u016bn, who was originally from Mosul, was commissioned by his master to reply to his letters in Syriac; however, he found this extremely difficult, since he was more proficient in Arabic.[10]<\/a> Moreover, considering that Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 spent the final 40 years of his life at B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113, between 939 and 979, we can thus observe that the Christians of Mosul had already been thoroughly Arabised within three centuries of the city\u2019s founding. Later on, in the seventh chapter of the Vita<\/em>, in a section relating to the life and miracles of Rabb\u0101n \u012asho\u2018 of Miny\u0101nish, we notice his prophecy regarding the ruler of Mosul, who he names Ab\u016b Tha\u2018lab. The monk rebukes him for having dared to tax ascetics, and predicts a quick, merciless punishment for him.[11]<\/a> Indeed, this ruler is the same as the abovementioned Hamdanid Ab\u016b Taghlib (r. 967-979) and, for some unknown reason, he called here by the same name later used by Ibn Khald\u016bn (1332-1406) in his historical writings concerning this period. From this, however, we can significantly observe that the Hamdanids\u2019 Mosul-based rule extended north at least to the \u1e62apn\u0101 valley, where the B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 Monastery was located.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Defining D\u0101san (<\/strong>\u0715\u0735\u0723\u0732\u0722<\/strong>)<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another district which features prominently in the text of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101\u2019s Vita<\/em> is that of D\u0101san, which comprised a suffragan diocese of the ecclesiastical province of Adiabene and Assyria between the years 410 and 1282. According to Fr. Fiey, this area lay to the north of Marg\u0101 and encompassed the Berw\u0101r\u012b-B\u0101l\u0101 district to the southwest of Ash\u012bth\u0101, comprising all of the country enclosed by the loop of the Great Zab River.[12]<\/a> Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, on the other hand, only notes that it lies to the northeast of \u2018Am\u0101d\u012byah.[13]<\/a> In the Vita<\/em>, however, we read of the monk Av\u016bn, who used to travel from B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 to D\u0101san quite frequently and easily, implying that the \u1e62apn\u0101 valley was actually not a part of that region; it may instead have been dependent on B\u0113th-N\u016bhadr\u0101.[14]<\/a> The different recensions of the text, though, differ on one particular detail. The oldest manuscript, kept at the Vatican, quotes the monk as saying, \u201cOn the way, I go forward to the banks of the river Zab, that great one.\u201d[15]<\/a> On the other hand, the newest copy of the text at the Chaldean Catholic Patriarchate in Baghdad only reads, \u201cOn the way, I go forward to the banks of the great river,\u201d and Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh\u2019s Arabic translation just reads, \u201cMy way passes the (Great) Zab River.\u201d[16]<\/a> This would thus indicate that the D\u0101san area extended across the Zab to the Assyrian tribal regions of T\u1e25\u016bm\u0101, B\u0101z and J\u012bl\u016b, which are described in medieval texts, such as that of St. Zay\u2018\u0101, as being located in \u201cUpper D\u0101san.\u201d[17]<\/a> Adjacent to D\u0101san was the area known as B\u0113th-\u1e6c\u016br\u0113 (i.e., between the mountains). Fr. Fiey identifies this as the Gahr\u0101 Mountains and the valleys of Na\u1e25l\u0101 and \u1e6cal\u0101n\u0101, which were transferred from the diocese of Marg\u0101 to that of D\u0101san in the eighth century.[18]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to the text of Rabb\u0101n Joseph\u2019s Vita<\/em>, as mentioned previously, at least four of the monks at the B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 Monastery during that time were Dasn\u0101y\u0113<\/em>. Furthermore, in the Vita<\/em> we find the mention of a village named \u201cHalm\u016bn, which is in the rust\u0101q\u0101<\/em> (district) of Ays\u201d (other recensions of the text have it as Harmon d-Iy\u0101s).[19]<\/a> If Ays \/ Iy\u0101s can be positively identified as the modern Assyrian village of Hayyis in Berw\u0101r\u012b-B\u0101l\u0101, 26 km to the southeast of Halm\u016bn, as per Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, then this would locate it within the region of D\u0101san, indicating that it could have stretched as far west as the Kh\u0101b\u016br River.[20]<\/a> On the other hand, according to biographical notes regarding the seventh century bishop and theologian M\u0101r S\u0101hdon\u0101 (Martyrius) of Halm\u016bn, the village, at that time, was dependent on the diocese of B\u0113th-N\u016bhadr\u0101, indicating its northernmost extent.[21]<\/a> Finally, it would seem that, at this time, the inhabitants of D\u0101san consisted not only of Christian Assyrians, but also Muslim Kurds. As such, we find the narrative of K\u0101mil (or K\u0113mil) \u2013 \u201ca Kartw\u0101y\u0101<\/em> man, from those that are called Dasn\u0101y\u0113<\/em>,\u201d who was a murderer and thief that had killed many people mercilessly.[22]<\/a> However, the reason he is identified as a Dasn\u0101y\u0101<\/em> is probably because he was a Kurd from D\u0101san that was living outside of the area, in a district called \u2018Ayn-Bibil, which we will discuss further below. After Rabb\u0101n Joseph\u2019s death in 979, we learn that D\u0101san was destroyed by the evil Kartw\u0101y\u0113<\/em> (Kurds) who lived there, those called Hakkar\u0101y\u0113<\/em> (Hakkarians), who killed 5,000 of its inhabitants (presumably all Christian Assyrians) and scattered the survivors. As mentioned above, the author of the Vita<\/em> adds that this, as well as the rebuilding of D\u0101san, had already been predicted by Rabb\u0101n Joseph prior to his death.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Locating \u2018Ayn-Bibil (<\/strong>\u0725\u0739\u071d\u0722 \u0712\u0738\u0712\u0738\u0307\u0720<\/strong>)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

One rust\u0101q\u0101<\/em> (\u072a\u0718\u073c\u0723\u072c\u0735\u0729\u0735\u0710, i.e., district) mentioned in the Vita<\/em> of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 which is quite elusive is that of \u2018Ayn-Bibil, also written as \u2018Ayn-B\u0101vil in the latest manuscript copy of the text. It would have to be close enough to B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 Monastery for people to be able to travel there on foot with their sick, but also geographically separate enough to constitute being considered its own district. Furthermore, the text mentions the names of two villages in this district from which people came to the monastery seeking healing. One of these is Kpar-S\u0101mkh\u0101 and the other is Kpar-Q\u016br\u0113, which was the home of the previously mentioned Dasn\u0101y\u0101<\/em> Kurd K\u0101mil, who attempted to murder the unsuspecting monk Rabb\u0101n Kom\u0101, just because he was from the same village as some people who had murdered his own brother.[23]<\/a> Without providing any explanation, Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh explains that \u2018Ayn-Bibil is \u2018Ayn-Bilbil, to the northeast of \u2018Am\u0101d\u012byah and he subsequently guessed that Kpar-Q\u016br\u0113 might be the modern Assyrian village of Q\u0101ro (in the N\u0113rw\u0101 district).[24]<\/a> However, nowhere on any map is there any mention of a place named \u2018Ayn-Bilbil or K\u0101n\u012b-Bilbil (K\u0101n\u012b<\/em> being the Kurdish equivalent of Syriac \u2018Ayn\u0101<\/em>, which means a spring or water source). Furthermore, I would tend to believe that, since K\u0101mil is identified as a Dasn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, this district would have been located outside of D\u0101san and may have been dependent, rather, on the diocese of B\u0113th-N\u016bhadr\u0101.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instead, I would rather posit that \u2018Ayn-Bibil\/B\u0101vil is the modern Assyrian village of K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v, about 9 km northwest of B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113. Not only do the names appear somewhat similar, but they also have similar etymologies. Whereas the second part of the Syriac name \u2018Ayn-Bibil might originate from B\u016bvl\u0101<\/em> (\u0712\u0718\u073c\u0712\u0323\u0720\u0735\u0710), meaning an ibex, mountain goat, wild bull or buffalo, it most probably comes instead from B\u0101vl\u0101<\/em> (\u0712\u0735\u0712\u0323\u0720\u0735\u0710), meaning din, tumult, uproar, noise, disturbance or agitation, but also disorder, absence of order, stir, up-stir, unrest, chaos, upheaval, jumble, storm or disorganisation. On the other hand, whereas the second part of the Kurdish name K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v might originate from Balav<\/em>, meaning waterside laundry, bathing or washing, it most probably comes instead from Belav<\/em>, meaning scattered, dispersed, dissipated, disseminated, widespread, spread out, out of order, stirred up, distributed or generous, but also unrest, disorganisation, great storm, jumble, upheaval or chaos. Hence, the place name, whether in Syriac or in Kurdish, may refer to a wild natural spring that provides so much water that it is disorderly, stirred up, chaotic, stormy, restless or tumultuous.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Moreover, evidence from a late eighteenth century manuscript colophon demonstrates that K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v was considered as belonging to a separate district altogether to both \u1e62apn\u0101 and Berw\u0101r\u012b-B\u0101l\u0101. This district, named Sh\u016bkho, was based around a fortress of the same name, located less than 2 km southwest of K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v.[25]<\/a> Additionally, the toponym Kpar-Q\u016br\u0113, or rather Q\u016br\u0113, may be seen to have survived in the name of one of at least three modern-day villages to the northwest of K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v \u2013 Kurk\u0101, 5.5 km away; Cham-Kurk, 20 km away; and Kurk, 27.5 km away. Most probably, however, the place mentioned in the text of the Vita<\/em> is that closest out of the three. Furthermore, it is likely that the Kpar-<\/em> preformative in the names of villages such as Kpar-Q\u016br\u0113 and Kpar-S\u0101mkh\u0101, which is literally the construct state of the Syriac noun meaning \u201ca hamlet,\u201d was only used as a way to indicate that these were just tiny villages, rather than actually being part of their names.[26]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Delineating Zoz\u0101n\/Z\u0101wzan (<\/strong>\u0719\u0735\u0718\u0719\u0732\u0722\u060c \u0719\u0718\u073f\u0719\u0735\u0722<\/strong>)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another region mentioned in the text of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101\u2019s Vita<\/em> is that of Z\u0101wzan, also vocalised as Z\u0101wz\u0101n or Zoz\u0101n. This name appears as that of one of the regions evangelised, along with D\u0101san and G\u0101war, by St. \u1e6com\u012bs, a disciple of St. M\u0101r\u012b in the second Christian century, according to the text of the latter saint\u2019s Vita<\/em> which, presumably was written in the sixth century, before the coming of Islam.[27]<\/a> In Armenian sources, this toponym appears as either Z\u0101vaz\u0101n or Zoz\u0101n and, in Arabic texts, it is vocalised either as Zawz\u0101n or Z\u016bz\u0101n. Moreover, this word exists in various dialects of Eastern Armenian, Kurmanji Kurdish and Assyrian Aramaic, and relates to summer pastures in the mountains. Hence, this would provide the image of the region as a rugged, mountainous area that is lush in the summer, supporting the grazing of domesticated animals. Armenian sources identify Z\u0101vaz\u0101n with the region of Andzevatsik, corresponding to the area known by Assyrians as N\u016bdiz, and by Kurds as Nord\u016bz, between the Shat\u0101kh (\u00c7atak) and Khosh\u0101b (G\u00fczelsu) valleys. Between the fourth and eighth centuries, this area comprised an Armenian principality ruled by the Andzevatsi family.[28]<\/a> Later, however, it was incorporated as the eleventh gavar<\/em> (canton) of the Armenian kingdom of Vaspurakan, the capital of which was at Van. Significantly, Andzevatsik was one of the nine main principalities of Greater Armenia, which prevented the Sasanians from advancing their borders and those of their vassals Iberia and Albania (present-day Georgia and Azerbaijan) further into the interior of Armenia, after the Armenian kingdom was partitioned between the Sasanian and Roman empires in 387. According to Armenian geographers, there were three fortified cities in this region: \u0100lam\u0101n\/Olam\u0101n (Atabinen), Mihr\u0101v\u0101n\/Marw\u0101n\u0101n (Topy\u0131ld\u0131z) and Akhz\u012b\/Akhs\u012bn (O\u011fuldam\u0131).[29]<\/a> Also in the region was a significant monastery of the Virgin Mary (Hogeats Vank), which was the residence of the local bishop since the mid-fifth century, and its capital was at the fortress of Kangav\u0101r (\u00d6rmeli), later moved to the village of Qasrik (K\u0131rkge\u00e7it).[30]<\/a> Between the fourth and tenth centuries, this area supplied a number of prominent Armenian clergy and noblemen, and continued to have an Armenian population until 1915.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Arab geographer and chronicler Ibn \u1e24awqal (died c. 978), who was a contemporary of Rabb\u0101n Joseph, Z\u016bz\u0101n was a part of Outer Armenia, along with Ahlat, Pergri (Muradiye), Erci\u015f and Vastan. The master of Z\u016bz\u0101n was thus al-Dayr\u0101n\u012b, probably Derenik, the Armenian king of Vaspurakan. He does not mention any trace of a Kurdish presence in that region, where Christians made up a great part of the local population.[31]<\/a> Writing around the same time, al-Maqdis\u012b (945-991) instead regarded Z\u016bz\u0101n as a n\u0101\u1e25iyah<\/em> (sub-district) of Jaz\u012brat Ibn \u2018Umar (modern-day Cizre).[32]<\/a> Another Islamic geographer, Y\u0101q\u016bt al-\u1e24amaw\u012b (1179-1229), writes in the Mu\u2018jam al-Buld\u0101n<\/em> (Dictionary of Countries) that Z\u016bz\u0101n is a region located in the centre of the Armenian mountains between Ahlat, Azerbaijan, Diyarbak\u0131r and Mosul. According to him, its inhabitants were Armenians, but there were also some groups of Kurds there.[33]<\/a> In the same period, Arab historian Ibn al-Ath\u012br (1160-1233) wrote that Z\u016bz\u0101n was a vast region located on the eastern border of the Tigris River in the region of Jaz\u012brat Ibn \u2018Umar, starting at a distance two days from Mosul, extending to the boundaries of Ahlat and, on the Azerbaijan side, extending to the district of Salamas. According to him, there were several fortresses there held by the Bashnaw\u012byah<\/em> and Bukht\u012byah<\/em> Kurds.[34]<\/a> This would, therefore, extend the boundaries of Z\u016bz\u0101n much further than the Armenian principality of Andzevatsik, stretching from the banks of the Tigris in the west to the Salamas Plain in the east, in the mountains between Lake Van and Mosul \u2013 corresponding roughly to the early-modern Kurdish emirates of Hakk\u00e2ri and Bohtan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here, the Vita<\/em> of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 adds a number of important details regarding the geography and demography of Syriac Zawz\u0101n, which are not provided by Armenian or Arabic Islamic sources. For instance, a major character in the narrative is Rabb\u0101n Moses who, until his death in 947, served as the abbot of B\u0113th-\u1e62ayy\u0101r\u0113 Monastery, and contributed to its rehabilitation along with his master Rabb\u0101n Bar-Yald\u0101. Originally, he had been a monk at the Rabb\u0101n Bokhtyazd (also vocalised \u201cBukht\u012bz\u0101d\u201d) Monastery in Zawz\u0101n, but he was recruited by Rabb\u0101n Bar-Yald\u0101 when the latter took refuge there for a brief period. Furthermore, according to the text of Rabb\u0101n Joseph\u2019s Vita<\/em>, Rabb\u0101n Moses was from the village of Golmard (vocalised in later copies as G\u016blmard), also in Zawz\u0101n.[35]<\/a> Indeed, this is an earlier witness to the toponym J\u016blmar \u2013 metathesized to G\u016brmal and J\u016brmal, which is what Hakk\u00e2ri Assyrians, in their vernacular dialects, called the town of Jul\u0101merk (the present-day provincial centre of Hakk\u00e2ri).[36]<\/a> On the other hand, a Church of the East calendrical text describes him as being \u1e6c\u0101ln\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, i.e., from the \u1e6c\u0101l valley.[37]<\/a> As for the location of the Rabb\u0101n Bokhtyazd Monastery, scholars such as Fr. Fiey and Wilmshurst have tended to search for it somewhere near the village of Kurkh\u0113 (Kurdish: Kulk\u0101n) in the Lower \u1e6cy\u0101r\u0113 district, 500 metres to the northwest of L\u012bzan (K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc).[38]<\/a> This is plausible, however, there are no local traditions related to such a saint and no church or monastery at Kurkh\u0113 \u2013 unless the church of St. George at \u2018Umr\u0101-Kht\u0101y\u0101, just over a kilometre to the northeast of both Kurkh\u0113 and L\u012bzan, can be considered to have been the church of such a monastery. Another option would be the village of Chamb\u0101 d-Kurkh\u0113 in Upper \u1e6cy\u0101r\u0113, which also did not have a church, but the closest village to it, B\u0113-Mariggo, did have one dedicated to St. Azad, locally known as B\u0113-M\u0101r-\u0100zad<\/em> (i.e., the house of St. Azad), a saint also known to have been associated with Kurkh\u0113.[39]<\/a> Interestingly, Fr. Fiey suggests that Azad may be an abbreviated doublet of Bokhtyazd. This, however, is unlikely since they are often paired together in ecclesiastical literature, with the former described as the disciple of the latter.[40]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Furthermore, another place in Zawz\u0101n mentioned in the Vita<\/em> of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 is M\u0101ryos, also appearing as Mar\u0101nos in later copies of the text. This can be none other than the village of M\u0101ronis (Kavakl\u0131), known in Kurdish as Mar\u016bnis or Marin\u00fcs, near the western boundary of modern-day Hakk\u00e2ri province. As we learn from the Vita<\/em>, this village was the home of the monk Rabb\u0101n Kom\u0101, who was set upon by the Dasn\u0101y\u0101<\/em> Kurd K\u0101mil, in revenge for his brother who had been killed there.[41]<\/a> In the Church of the East\u2019s liturgical calendar, we find the name of another monk from this village, Rabb\u0101n Yald\u0101 M\u0101rosn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, of whom we know nothing else about.[42]<\/a> By the nineteenth century, however, M\u0101ronis had become a Kurdish Muslim village, but locals still point out a spot they call cih\u00ea d\u00ear\u00ea<\/em> (i.e., the place of the church), where the church used to be. In sum, according to the clues provided by Rabb\u0101n Joseph\u2019s Vita<\/em>, the tenth-century Assyrian perception of Zawz\u0101n and its territory was that it covered the northern and western parts of today\u2019s Hakk\u00e2ri province, encompassing the Great Zab valley and its tributaries from Kurkh\u0113 in the south up to Jul\u0101merk in the north and from M\u0101ronis in the west to the mountains bordering the G\u0101war Plain in the east. Indeed, this remote area must have been the part of Zawz\u0101n populated by an Assyrian, rather than an Armenian majority, which is probably why their accounts of the region\u2019s boundaries do not go much further than the district of Nord\u016bz. Incidentally, much of this \u201cAssyrian\u201d part of Zawz\u0101n is occupied by the districts of Upper and Lower \u1e6cy\u0101r\u0113, the name of which can be semantically related to that of the former. This is because, in Syriac, a \u1e6dy\u0101r\u0101<\/em> refers to an enclosure, herd, flock, encampment for flocks, stall or pen for livestock, pastoral village, sheepfold or barn (also metaphorically to a church, convent or community of monks!). It is thus conceivable that Zawz\u0101n, the land of summer pastures in the mountains, could be the equivalent of \u1e6cy\u0101r\u0113, the land of pastoral villages and encampments for flocks. Significantly, Rabb\u0101n Joseph\u2019s Vita<\/em> is one of the texts that provide evidence of a significant Christian Assyrian presence in the Hakk\u00e2ri highlands prior to the Mongol and Turkic invasions of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries.[43]<\/a> At any rate, we notice that Zawz\u0101n was not considered a diocese of the Church of the East and did not have its own bishop. However, since it almost exclusively bordered D\u0101san to the south, and since these regions were evangelised together by St. M\u0101r\u012b\u2019s disciple St. \u1e6com\u012bs, its Christian Assyrian communities must have been under its episcopal jurisdiction. Additionally, we observe in the Acts<\/em> of St. M\u0101r\u012b, that he sent St. \u1e6com\u012bs on his mission from \u201cthe land of Erbil,\u201d the centre of what later became the metropolitan archdiocese of Adiabene, of which D\u0101san was a suffragan diocese.[44]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

(Continued in the next issue)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 105r; CPB Syr. 193, p. 167; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 184; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 99.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 130r, 132r; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 204, 208; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), pp. 311, 313; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 119, 121.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 43r; CPB Syr. 193, p. 71; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 2 (1897), p. 404; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 48. This region, it should be noted, lies to the southeast of B\u0113th-Sayyar\u0113 Monastery and is roughly bounded by the triangle formed by the rivers Zab, Gomel and Khazl\u0101 (Kh\u0101zir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 94v-95r; CPB Syr. 193, p. 152; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 173; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 90-91.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 91, fn. 4.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> Paul Bedjan (ed.), Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum Syriace<\/em>, Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1890, Vol. 1, pp. 414-415. Additionally, an old mosque in B\u0101marn\u0113, which used to be a church, is held to be the final resting place of M\u0101r Shaml\u012b.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 58r-59v; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 94-95; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>,  Vol. 3 (1898), p. 90; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 61-62.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 59v; CPB Syr. 193, p. 96; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 91; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 62-63.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 55r-56r, 64r-65v, 86r-86v; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 89-91, 103-105, 138-139; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), pp. 87-88, 96-97, 117-118; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 59-60, 66-67, 82-83.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 79r-81r; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 127-130; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), pp. 110-112. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 77-79.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 160v-161r; CPB Syr. 193, p. 243; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 476. Fr. Ch\u016bl\u0101gh renders this name in his translation as Ab\u012b Taghlib, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 146.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/a> Jean-Maurice Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus novus: r\u00e9petoire des dioc\u00e8ses Syriaques orientaux et occidentaux<\/em>, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993, p. 73.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 56, fn. 5.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> Jean-Maurice Fiey, \u201cProto-Histoire chr\u00e9tienne du Hakkari turc,\u201d L\u2019Orient Syrien<\/em>, Vol. 9, No. 36 (1964), pp. 446-447.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 85v.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> CPB Syr. 193, p. 137; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 82. Chabot\u2019s translation reads, \u201cOn the way [to D\u0101san] I must encounter a large river,\u201d \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), pp. 116-117.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> Bedjan (ed.), Acta Martyrum<\/em>, Vol. 1, pp. 409, 418, 419.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[18]<\/a> Fiey, \u201cProto-Histoire chr\u00e9tienne du Hakkari turc,\u201d p. 447.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[19]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 84r-85r; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 135-137; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), pp. 115-116; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 81-82.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[20]<\/a> Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 81, fn. 1.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[21]<\/a> Chabot (ed.), Le Livre de la Chastet\u00e9<\/em>, pp. 56, 67.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[22]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 119r; CPB Syr. 193, p. 188; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 300; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 110.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[23]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 119r-120v; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 188-190; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), pp. 300-301; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, pp. 110-111.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[24]<\/a> Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 110, fn. 1.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[25]<\/a> This manuscript, a Qdham w-V\u0101thar<\/em> (\u0729\u0715\u0323\u0735\u0721 \u0718\u0712\u0323\u0735\u072c\u0732\u072a, Book of Divine Office) kept in a private collection near Tell-Tamr, Syria, was completed on Saturday 28 January 1794 by the deacon Hayd\u0113n\u012b, son of the priest Y\u0101hvo, son of Moses of Giss\u0101, at Deh\u0113 in the \u1e62apn\u0101 district, for the church of the Virgin Mary in K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v, in the Sh\u016bkho district. It should be noted that Deh\u0113 is only 5km away from K\u0101n\u012b-Bal\u0101v as the crow flies, and 11 km by road.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[26]<\/a> On its own, for instance, Q\u016br\u0113<\/em> (\u0729\u0718\u073c\u072a\u0739\u0308\u0710) could means frosts, furnaces, bundles or ladies, and S\u0101mkh\u0101<\/em> (\u0723\u0735\u0721\u071f\u0323\u0735\u0710) could mean a pillar, column, base, support, cell or monk\u2019s hut!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[27]<\/a> Amir Harrak (ed.), The Acts of M\u0101r M\u0101r\u012b the Apostle<\/em>, Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005, pp. 24-27; Fiey, \u201cProto-Histoire chr\u00e9tienne du Hakkari turc,\u201d p. 462-463.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[28]<\/a> Aram Nahapetovich Ter-Ghevondyan, \u0410\u0440\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0438 \u0430\u0440\u0430\u0431\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0445\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0444\u0430\u0442 [Armenia and the Arab Caliphate], Yerevan: Academy of Sciences of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, 1977, pp. 22, 182.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[29]<\/a> The first two of these fortified cities were known to be Assyrian villages already in the seventeenth century. Suren Tigrani Yeremian, \u0540\u0561\u0575\u0561\u057d\u057f\u0561\u0576\u0568 \u0568\u057d\u057f “\u0531\u0577\u056d\u0561\u0580\u0570\u0561\u0581\u0578\u0575\u0581”-\u056b<\/em> [Armenia According to the \u201cAshkharatsuyts\u201d], Yerevan: Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic Academy of Sciences Publishing House, 1963, p. 36.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[30]<\/a> Thomas Alan Sinclair, Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archaeological Survey<\/em>, London: The Pindar Press, 1987, Vol. 1, pp. 316-317.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[31]<\/a> Boris James, \u201cConstructing the Realm of the Kurds (al-Mamlaka al-Akradiyya): Kurdish In-betweenness and Mamluk Ethnic Engineering (1130-1340 CE),\u201d in Steve Tamari (ed.), Grounded Identities: Territory and Belonging in the Medieval and Early Modern Middle East and Mediterranean<\/em>, Leiden: Brill, 2019, p. 38.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[32]<\/a> Vladimir Minorsky, \u201cKurds,\u201d in M. Th. Houtsma, A. J. Wensinck, T. W. Arnold, W. Heffening and E. L\u00e9vi-Proven\u00e7al (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam, First Edition (1913-1936)<\/em>, Vol. 4 (\u2018It\u1e33-Kwa\u1e6d\u1e6da), Leiden: E. J. Brill and Luzac & Co., 1927, p. 1135.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[33]<\/a> James, \u201cConstructing the Realm of the Kurds,\u201d p. 38.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[34]<\/a> Minorsky, \u201cKurds,\u201d p. 1135.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[35]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 112r; CPB Syr. 193, p. 178; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 293; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 105. In 757, there was a Syriac Orthodox bishop in \u2018Gulmarg\u0101\u2019 named Jonah, dependent on the Maphrianate of Tikrit, Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus novus<\/em>, p. 202. Much later, in 1607, we find a metropolitan of the Church of the East named Savr-\u012asho\u2018 at \u2018Giulmar\u2019 or \u2018Giulmahr,\u2019 ibid<\/em>., p. 77. More recently we find that, in 1913, there were 200 Chaldean Catholics in Jul\u0101merk, with a priest, chapel and school, Joseph Tfinkdji, L\u2019Eglise Chald\u00e9enne Catholique: Autrefois et Aujourd\u2019Hui<\/em>, Paris: Bureau des \u00c9tudes Eccl\u00e9siastiques, 1913, p. 69.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[36]<\/a> Surma d\u2019Bait Mar Shimun, Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar Shimun<\/em>, London: The Faith Press, 1920, p. 2. It should here be noted that the \u2013k<\/em> ending of the town\u2019s Kurdish name comes from the Kurmanji diminutive \u2013ik<\/em> or \u2013ke<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[37]<\/a> Surg\u0101d\u0101 Mvashl\u0101<\/em> [The Complete Calendar], Urmia: Archbishop of Canterbury\u2019s Mission Press, 1894, p. 7. The entrance of the \u1e6c\u0101l valley is 10 km away from the old town of Jul\u0101merk (present-day Bi\u00e7er Mahallesi) as the crow flies, and 16 km by road.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[38]<\/a> Fiey, \u201cProto-Histoire chr\u00e9tienne du Hakkari turc,\u201d p. 466; Wilmshurst, Ecclesiastical Organisation of the Church of the East<\/em>, p. 290.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[39]<\/a> Surg\u0101d\u0101 Mvashl\u0101<\/em>, p. 5. Kurkh\u0113<\/em> (\u071f\u0718\u073c\u072a\u0308\u071a\u0739\u0710) is a Syriac word meaning huts, sheds, hovels or cabins, but also hermitages or cells.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[40]<\/a> Joannes Cornelius Josephus Sanders, Assyrian-Chaldean Christians in Eastern Turkey and Iran: Their last homeland re-charte<\/em>d, Hernen: A. A. Brediusstichting, 1997, p. 30.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[41]<\/a> Vat. Syr. 467, 119r-119v; CPB Syr. 193, pp. 188-189; Chabot, \u201cVie du moine Rabban Youssef Bousnaya,\u201d ROC<\/em>, Vol. 3 (1898), p. 300; Ch\u016bl\u0101gh, T\u0101r\u012bkh Y\u016bsuf B\u016bsn\u0101y\u0101<\/em>, p. 110.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[42]<\/a> Surg\u0101d\u0101 Mvashl\u0101<\/em>, p. 7.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[43]<\/a> This was a theory first propagated by Sir Austen Henry Layard and perpetuated by Rev. George Percy Badger who, quoting him, baselessly claimed that: \u201c[Tamerlane] \u2018followed them with relentless fury, destroyed their churches, and put to the sword all who were unable to escape to the almost inaccessible fastnesses of the Coordish mountains.\u2019 This would bring down the arrival of the Nestorian colonies in Coordistan to the middle of the fourteenth century, and I am strongly inclined to believe that previous to that period there were no Christians inhabiting that district. Had it been otherwise we should certainly find some account of them in the more ancient histories of this sect; but among the many catalogues of Nestorian bishoprics still extant there is not one mentioned which answers to any of those now existing in Coordistan proper. Moreover there are no architectural or other monumental records in the mountains which argue in their behalf a greater antiquity of residence than the period generally assigned to them,\u201d Nestorians and their Rituals<\/em>, Vol. 1, p. 257; Cf. Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains: with an Account of a Visit to the Chaldaean Christians of Kurdistan, and the Yezidis, or Devil-Worshippers; and an Enquiry into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient Assyrians<\/em>, London: John Murray, 1849, Vol. 1, pp. 257-259.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[44]<\/a> Harrak (ed.), Acts of M\u0101r M\u0101r\u012b<\/em>, pp. 24-25.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nicholas Al-Jeloo The Geographical Area Covered by the Text The area covered by the Vita of Rabb\u0101n Joseph Busn\u0101y\u0101 is quite specific. 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